The Rationale and Intervention;
Debajit Bora
Ojapali, a semi dramatic performance genre of Assam,
focusing on story telling and enactments of epic and myths, is a classic
example of what in historical and contemporary times can be regarded as both a
‘popular’ as well as a ‘traditional’ culture. Keeping
view of its popularity we want to locate our work in Darang and Mangaldoi district
which comes under ‘Darangi culture’ known as the hub of ojapali. Studies
of such forms range from intense romanticism, where all its popular
characteristics are cited to exalt its powers to capture the identities of the
local community to lamenting its decline and diminishing popularity. There is an irreconcilable difference between
the notions of a popular form, which survives on its own popularity and a history,
which talks of its decline and confinement in terms of geographical and social,
spread. More significant is as a popular form the performance itself narrates
its own history, that also a critical one. The reason of its decline both in
terms of its spread and its frequency is anomalous if we accept the notion of
the ‘popular’ and try to attribute to changing times and socio-economic and
political forces at play in modern and contemporary India. The nostalgia itself
positions itself against its own present conditions and demands a
historiographical review while keeping the performance in the foreground. The
need is to look at the performance as a historical and ethnographic source
telling the story of a community while at the same time tracing the history of
the performance itself.
A form once dominant in the entire lower Assam has become
increasingly confined to a few localities of Darang district. It has been cited
in local , national and regional accounts as the ‘folk’ and the ‘local’ while
also in touch with what was seen as the more ‘artistic’, semi classical or
traditional forms.[1]
The connection to Ankianat and the impact of Shankaradeva was as evident as the
local comic elements. The form which through a story telling style also
includes a more abstract form of dance and singing as enactment could absorb
various elements where genre characteristics are varied and subjected to
different interpretations. Hence in laying out the performance forms in Assam
in various sources, just as Ankianat and Shankaradeva impact would be theexemplary
entry point, the mention or description
of Ojapali would also feature. By its very inclusion as a more ‘local’ (read
indigenous) category than what were seen as the more aesthetic forms its impact
was mapped and hardly ignored.The question which emerges from the notion of
forms is where do we locate its popularity and how do we read its accounts
(ethnographic and historical) in both legitimate histories and official cultural
policy documents as a form which includes within it a mapping of ‘high’ and ‘low’ culture.
The conflict between the notions of the popular in terms of
the form with its historical marginalization is the entry point to theproblematization
which I would like to unravel through documenting and analyzing the performance
and its impact parallel to the history of the genre. I will be arguing that
this will allow a new way of constructing historiographical intervention to the
simplistic way these forms have been studied or relegated to ‘categories’ in
post independent Indian writings.
One of the reasons of the historical popularity of the form
has been cited because of its close relationship to the aesthetics of Ankianat
and the reformation it underwent under the impact of Shankaradeva. It is not
clear whether the impact was direct or the new religious spiritualism
encouraged emulation. The dance and the singing became more codified and
intricate during this form. These are the aspects, ironically, which really has
allowed ojapali to be cited as one of the forms which can be seen as
representing the Assamese culture. There is an underlying critique here that
the actual form and its popular elements however aesthetically reformulated,
doesn’t necessarily mean it should be the form to represent the region or a
national form which is nurtured in its region.
The problem becomes more complex when we realize that while
the aesthetic characteristics attributed to the Ojapali dates to its dialogue
with the ankianat, the peak of its popularitycan be located in alternate time,
practice and aesthetics.
The real popularity
and its widespread practice was a pre-Shankaradeva phenomenon as cited by most
local accounts and histories of the form and cultural practices of Assam[1]. After the end of
agricultural season people used to organize ‘Manasha puja’ for the welfare of
their region and prevent death from snake bites. Generally it was organized in public
places. People of the society without any class caste difference unite in the
public ground to take blessings of goddess Manasha. Like a number of peasant
rituals again it is not a popular form, which emerged from the peasants or the
agricultural community, but encouraged and shaped by its official patron the
Darangi kings.[2]
Its real popularity lies in its organic connection and syncretism of the
Manasapuja which is celebrated at the end of the agricultural season. The
festival with the performance of the Manasa story is played in episodes through
11-15 days. The text is like the practice in eastern India derived from the Dharmapuran,
with the selection of the performance scenarios made by SukabiNarayana deva, under the patronage of Koach king
Dharmanaryana. The popularity of the form amongst peasant communities is also
what makes the depiction of the Manasa story its strongest popular text and
enactment. Through the perspective of Paul Connerton we can say
that ojapali became a social memory among the Darangi people[3].
peak of the forms popularity. The Manasa
story enactment however cannot and makes no pretense of any aesthetic
beautification. The ‘grotesque’ aesthetics of the central figure of Manasa
tells us about the most popular text of the oja palli and one of the reasons
why it could never be either within the traditional and classical category to
be eulogized as the Assamese or post independent Indian culture. Its aesthetic
doesn’t allow it to become directly the example of the aesthetic identity
politics. In that sense its popularity is because of this very non aesthetic
categories. Yet it does not sustain its genre through its own circulation or without
royal or other patronage. Mere depiction of its Manasa enactments and its
participative large audiences cannot give us more than an ethnographic account
and a simple historical story which can only chronologically lead to the impact
and intervention of the Shankaradeva and the neo-Vaishnavite movement.
Neo-vaishnavic ojapali has generally been associated
with upper Assam. Shankaradeva initiated a new type of Ojapali called Sattriya
or Ramayani ojapali. Bhrigu Mohan Goswami in his book “ A study on the ojapali
art form” says: “ Daitarithakur a well known biographer of Assam in 17th
century A.D. writes in his guru carita
that Shankardeva preached his new doctrine with the help of the ojapali art
form.[1]
The katha guru carita inform us that illiterate persons like Laxmanoja could
get by heart the entire Assamese version of the Dasama( Book X of the Sanskrit
Bhagawta-purana) and the EkadashaSkandha ( book XI of bhagawata-purana) and
they were recognized as oja.”. This history of upper Assam and its adaptation
of Ojapalli is a sharp contrast to what is seen as its ‘popular’ character. The
Ahom kings of upper Assam in their long consolidated rule of 600 years see
ojapali, not as an ‘entertainment’ medium but a ‘religious performance’ in
temple. In that sense the other genre of ojapali not only reflects power
structures of kingship and religious institutions, but because of its non
popular intent is adaptable to aesthetic politics which is then cited as the
identity of the Asamese people and their culture.
Through
the evolution of the ojapali my intent is to see how performance forms (the
ojapali being the extensive case study) can be not only seen as a historical
archive of its culture and identity of its participants, but its history itself
combined with its own historical self reflexivity becomes a critical historiographical
study.
The format of storytelling, supposedly from the epics and the Puranas,
through improvised songs, dialogues and performative interludes itself weaves
in the notion of enacting one’s identity with the notion of narrating and
commenting on the enactment itself. The term ‘oja’ means the leader of the
troupe and ‘pali’ is his assistant. Generally a group of five and six people
performs ojapali in public places,namghor (Assamese prayer halls) and Maroi
puja (Manasapuja)ground. Dr. Nabin Chandra Sharmah has describedthe performance
thus:
“The dialogues and conversation of Ojapali neitherwritten nor prepared
before the performance, created instantly, keeping view the class of audience,
environment and then dramatized it during their performance by oja and
pali. Audience can get the sense of Epic and Purana subject mattermatter through
satire and humor. Contemporary issues, events and problems are addressed
through performance. Generally Bhaira or the Dainapali( pali stands to the
right hand side of Oja) put more humor element to it.”
One of the major significant aspects of ojapali is
its versatility and interactivity and operates at two levels. The enactment
sections are self absorbed and even abstract while the story telling techniques
distances itself from the performance and even takes on its place with the
audience.The intent is to use the epic stories to address social, economic and
political issues. The story telling is
directly addressed to the audience, adding to the inclusive and shifting space.
Here Michael Wilson’s notions of story telling is a key idea and refers to the
story teller as an insider-outsider who mediates a historical review of the
performance itself, before its history can even be written. Bringing in a
methodological perspective from theatre and performance studies around story
telling strategies will allow me to ground the performance practice at multiple
levels of its performance.
Through the
complex performance happening at every level the form can be read as identity
performance of the community it represents as well as its history. At the other
level my intent is to trace the history of the performance itself and hence see
it as a second level of history or a historiographical method.
I am reading this space as
performing the present along with a past and choreographing its own history.
The idea of ojapali being a popular form rooted in its
community is in contrast to its increasing marginalization and geographical
confinement. I read this as a problem in terms of reading so called popular
forms and its struggle for survival. If it is indeed a popular form the increasing
marginalization is a far more complex idea rather than the usual arguments of a
direct proportional decline measured against the growth of the electronic
media, the mobile theatre of Assam or even the cinema. The problems of trying
to pursue an alternate trajectory to the growing commercialization of leisure
activities has an adverse impact on what we always saw as ‘popular’ forms
making simplified assumptions and conclusions difficult to make. Similarly just
to see it as a reflection of the shrinking of agrarian activities of the
community does not answer the question but actually makes it more complex. The
ojapali performers as a community are joining the industrial labour force and
today represent the working class rather than the agrarian community by there
sheer presence in industrial labour. Moreover the growing difficulties are
making it impossible even within the seasonal performance cycle for the
performers to sustain their economic needs and hence there is a growing need to
perform the ojapali as a part time activity. These are more complex ways to
interpret social changes and its implications for forms like Ojapali. I am trying to foreground the recent
performances and read through the performative texts and changes to understand
the complex changing scenario of India. Whether the performance can even be
read in this way is what I would like to explore.
Ultimately there is a need to map the ojapali against other
forms which have come under the radar of national and regional cultural
attention. It would be interesting to see the debates around Sattriya receiving
the legitimate sanction as the eighth classical form of India. Sattriya, which
adopts aspects of ojapali in its own cultural expression is now a coded form
which in the process of classicization inflicted violence on the so called
popular form of ojapali. The official cultural policy and regional politics
around performance genres is important in this work to understand the problem .